No Threat
A former weapons inspector rejects Bush's evidence
by Jon Wiener
SCOTT RITTER WAS SENIOR
U.N. WEAPONS INSPECTOR IN
Iraq from 1991 to 1998. For the last
couple of years, the former U.S.
Marines major has been a
high-profile critic of U.S. policy
against Iraq, arguing that Saddam
Hussein represents no military
threat. Last week, after President
Bush and British Prime Minister
Tony Blair claimed to have
evidence of new activity at a
suspected Iraqi nuclear-weapons
facility, Ritter traveled to Iraq and
visited the site with a group of journalists and TV cameramen to
demonstrate that Bush and Blair were wrong. He also spoke to the
Iraqi parliament in Baghdad, urging it to head off U.S. military action
by re-admitting U.N. inspectors and letting them do their job. A few
days later, Iraq told the U.N. it was willing to submit once again to
inspections. Jon Wiener spoke with Ritter before and after his visit
last week to Baghad.
L.A. WEEKLY: What can you tell us about Saddam and nuclear
weapons?
SCOTT RITTER: Clearly Iraq had a nuclear-weapons program. Of
the four categories of prohibited weapons, nuclear is the one we
most thoroughly eradicated. Especially the part of their nuclear
program that was dedicated to enrichment, to producing the highly
enriched uranium needed for the fissile core of a nuclear device. This
was wiped out, there was nothing left. For Iraq to reconstitute that
would require not only tens of billions of dollars of investment, but also
the reconstitution of entire industrial facilities that are easily detected
by our intelligence services. It would also require technology to be
purchased abroad, which is tightly controlled and not something Iraq
could do without being detected. I find it hard to believe the vice
president when he says Iraq is close to developing a nuclear weapon
-- they weren't anywhere near close in 1998, when inspectors left. If
some new development has transpired in the last four years, I wish
the White House would share that evidence with the American
people.
What about chemical weapons? We know that in the Iran-Iraq war
Saddam used mustard gas and the nerve agent sarin on the
Iranians, and he also used chemical weapons on the Kurds at that
time. What happened to that chemical-weapons capability when
you and the U.N. inspectors were there from 1991 to '98?
Iraq had a massive chemical-weapons industry, with gigantic
factories dedicated to the production of these deadly agents. They
did use them against the Iranians and against the Kurds, which is one
reason why the international community outlawed them in 1991. Once
inspectors went into Iraq, we not only destroyed the factories and
equipment that produced these agents, we also rounded up the
weapons and the precursor chemicals that are mixed together to
produce the deadly agent, and we eliminated them. We achieved
tremendous success in this area. We eradicated their mustard-agent
and their sarin- and tabun-agent production capability. If Iraq
managed to hide some of their nerve agent from us, it has a shelf life
of only five years, so today, with their factories destroyed, Iraq has
no
nerve-agent capability -- unless they reconstituted their manufacturing
base, which no one has demonstrated.
VX is a different subject altogether. Iraq lied to us from day one about
VX. They said they never had a VX program. But we uncovered their
entire research-and-development plant, which had been bombed
during Desert Storm and destroyed. Using documentation recovered
from that, we were able to track down and discover Iraq's stockpile of
VX, confirming that it had been destroyed. We also exposed another
Iraqi lie -- that they had never stabilized VX. We even proved that they
put it in warheads, contrary to what they had declared. [But] the
bottom line is -- even though the Iraqis lied to us about VX, and we
still might have some concerns about this program, there is no VX
production capability in Iraq today -- unless Iraq went out after 1998
and acquired all this technology that we had destroyed.
The third category of weapons of mass destruction is biological. I
wanted to ask especially about anthrax.
For a biological weapon to work, you have to either turn it into an
aerosol, with particles of a certain size which can be inhaled into your
lungs, or a dry powder of a certain size, such as we found in the
letters that were mailed in October. Iraq successfully produced
biological agents: They produced anthrax and botulism toxin. But they
never successfully produced a biological weapon. They did put agent
-- liquid sludge -- into bombs and warheads, but the fact is, the only
way that was going to kill you was if it actually landed on you. They
had no way of disseminating the agent, it would have simply soaked
into the ground where it landed. We destroyed the factories that
produced this agent, we destroyed the production equipment, and we
destroyed the pieces of technology that Iraq could have used to
weaponize this agent.
There was some concern that Iraq might have produced more anthrax
than they declared. But liquid bulk agent of the type that Iraq
produced has a maximum shelf life under ideal conditions of three
years. After that it germinates and becomes useless sludge. For Iraq
to have biological weapons today, they would not only have to
reconstitute the manufacturing base to produce biological agent, but
they would have to perfect the technology to turn that agent into a
weapon, to aerosolize it or turn it into dry powder. They didn't have
that capability in December 1998, and no one has demonstrated that
they have that capability today.
Vice President Cheney in a recent speech said, "Saddam devised
an elaborate program to conceal his programs to develop chemical
and biological weapons." And he said, "The inspectors missed a
great deal" and that "The inspectors were actually on the verge of
declaring that Saddam's programs . . . had been fully accounted for,
a shutdown, but then Saddam's son-in-law suddenly defected and
began sharing information. Within days, inspectors were led to an
Iraqi chicken farm. Hidden there were boxes of documents and lots
of evidence regarding Iraq's most secret weapons program." What's
your comment on that?
A harsh comment. Either the vice president has been misinformed or
lied to by his own intelligence services, the CIA and others, or he
himself is lying. Let's set the record straight: In the spring of 1995,
the
executive director of UNSCOM (United Nations Special
Commission), my boss, was prepared to make a finding that Iraq had
been fundamentally disarmed. We weren't going to give them a clean
bill of health. But we wanted to progress the issue of disarmament to
the point where we could talk about lifting economic sanctions. They
were crippling Iraq, causing hundreds of thousands of Iraqi children to
lose their lives. We had fundamentally disarmed Iraq: That meant 90
to 95 percent of Iraq's weapons capability had been accounted for.
Saddam Hussein's son-in-law defected in August 1995. We
achieved our final breakthrough prior to his defection. I have the
transcripts of the debriefs of the son-in-law, Hussein Kamal. Listen to
what he said: "I ordered in 1993 that all remaining weapons be
destroyed. Today in Iraq there are no weapons. We destroyed them
all." How does Dick Cheney turn that statement into one saying
Saddam Hussein's son-in-law spilled the beans about Iraq's
weapons program? All he did was confirm our conclusion that in fact
these weapons had been destroyed.
So Dick Cheney is misleading the American public.
What were the circumstances that led the U.N. weapons inspectors
to leave Iraq in December 1998? The Bush administration and the
media often repeat that Saddam "kicked out" the weapons
inspectors, and that's why we face the necessity of war today.
Nothing could be further from the truth. The Iraqis did not kick the
inspectors out in December 1998. The Americans ordered the
inspectors out, and then bombed Iraq using intelligence information
gathered by the inspectors to target Saddam Hussein and his
security apparatus.
It's impossible to talk about the return of unfettered access until
there's some guarantee that the U.S. won't again use the weapons
inspectors as a vehicle for spying on Saddam, and targeting
Saddam. As long as the Americans continue to say that regime
removal is their number-one policy priority regarding Iraq, even
ahead of disarmament, we have no chance of getting weapons
inspectors back in.
What if we are shown evidence that Iraq now possesses weapons of
mass destruction?
I believe that not only would the Security Council approve military
action against Iraq under those circumstances, but we would have a
large and viable coalition supporting us. But if Iraq has these
weapons, the Bush administration needs to back up its rhetoric with
evidence to support it. The fact that they haven't suggests they don't
have the evidence, and that this is strictly about domestic American
politics.
You spoke to the Iraqi parliament, urging them to re-admit U.N.
weapons inspectors. What kind of response did you receive from
them?
First let me explain why I spoke there. It was not in order to address
Iraqi democracy. There is no democracy in Iraq. Their parliament is a
Baath Party organization. I picked the parliament to use it as a
platform to address the Iraqi government and also, frankly, to reach
an American domestic audience. Decisions in Iraq are made not by
the parliament but by the government -- and they were listening
closely. Not only at the parliament but in my meeting with [Foreign
Minister] Tariq Aziz and other ministers who advise the president. I
told them all the same thing: If they didn't let inspectors in, and give
them unfettered access, there would be war, and it would destroy
their country. That message was received openly and understood
clearly.
How do you interpret Bush's speech to the U.N. on 9/12?
If I believed the Bush administration was committed to disarming Iraq,
that their final objective was eliminating weapons of mass
destruction, I would be supportive of that speech. But it was a
hypocritical speech -- because the final objective of the Bush
administration is regime removal, pure and simple. Bush was saying
the U.N. has to agree to remove Saddam's regime. But that runs
counter to the U.N. Charter. The U.N. has never authorized regime
removal in Iraq. That is purely a unilateral U.S. policy. It's been
promoted since 1991 by James Baker under George Herbert Walker
Bush. Baker made it clear at that time that even if Iraq complied with
U.N. resolutions, sanctions would continue until Saddam was
removed from power. This statement undermined the ability of the
inspectors to work in Iraq. What motives do the Iraqis have to
cooperate when the U.S. says their cooperation is irrelevant? Clinton
and Madeleine Albright said the same thing. But no U.N. Security
Council resolution talks about removing Saddam Hussein from
power.
What's the next move?
The ball is now clearly in Iraq's court. The most important force that
can head off this war is the government of Iraq itself. They must allow
the unconditional return of U.N. inspectors with unfettered access.
They've made it clear that they won't agree unless they can guarantee
that inspectors won't be used to spy on them. There are some
promising developments on that front. The Canadian prime minister
appears to be ready to offer to serve as an honest broker between
the inspectors and Iraq. Canada would monitor their interaction to
ensure the inspectors don't go off task. Canada could be joined by
South Africa, the leader of the nonaligned movement. And the
government of Belgium, another member of NATO, is likewise
contemplating serving as a guarantor of proper behavior by the
inspectors. The question is whether these countries have the will to
step forward. No nation has exhibited that yet.
How much time do we have before war begins?
The U.S. Central Command is deploying battle staff to Qatar. Six
hundred officers will be positioned there in November. This means
we're going to war soon. We're already bombing the Iraqis frequently.
We already have troops deployed in the region. Deploying the battle
staff in November, I think, means war is going to start maybe as soon
as December or January.
Who did you vote for in the presidential election in 2000?
I voted for George Bush.